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MCA Spokesperson Sdr Lee Wei Kiat today criticized the announcement made by the Ministry of Information, Communications and Culture over the rescheduling of the Mandarin news time slot from 8:00 p.m. to 6.30p.m. “The revised time slot for the Mandarin news has inconvenienced viewers who tune into the Mandarin news and also affected the viewership ratings and image of RTM. The Information Ministry should revert the Mandarin news time slot to its previous prime time of 8 p.m.”
Wei Kiat who is also the MCA Information and Communications Bureau Chairman pointed out that the former to the current Ministers tasked with the Information Ministry, have made many schedule changes to the Mandarin news time slot which included the latest, slotting the Mandarin news to RTM 2 from RTM 1 at the new time of 12 noon till 12.30 pm for the afternoon edition and evening edition from 6.00 p.m. to 6.30 p.m. He also said that, “the latest changes in the time slot will confuse the viewers and make it difficult for them to get used to.”
“Furthermore, 6.30 p.m. to 7.00 p.m. is the time when working adults are on their way home while the housewives are busy preparing dinner for their families. If we were to broadcast Mandarin news at this time, it will only cause inconvenience and much unhappiness to the viewers who will not be in time to watch the news which will result in a plunge in viewership ratings. It will also affect the image and good name of the RTM. Thus, RTM should shift the Mandarin news time back to its former prime time slot of 8.00 pm,” he emphasized.
The MCA spokesperson also urged government departments to think twice before making any decisions especially on the broadcast of Mandarin news through the television stations.
“Mandarin news is the main source of information for the public and watching the news has become part of their daily activities. As a solution, the Ministry of Information, Communications and Culture should decide on a time that is most suitable the public in order to not only achieve its viewership target, but to generate a bigger audience.”
Tuesday, April 21, 2009
华语新闻时间不恰当，应调回黄金档
马华中央党部发言人李伟杰抨击新闻部最新宣布的华语新闻时段非常不恰当，将会为华裔观众带来不便，进而影响国营电视台的收视率及形象，因此新闻部应该将华语新闻时段恢复到黄金时段。
李伟杰指出，国营电视台的华语新闻时段从前任部长到现任部长上任为止，已经过数次调整，包括目前从第一电视调到第二电视中午12点至12点半以及傍晚6点半至7点，频频的更动让人无所适从，也容易产生混淆。
“此外，由于在6点半至7点这段时间，大部分的上班族都是在下班回家的路上，而家庭主妇则一般上正在为准备晚餐而忙碌，在这段时间播报新闻将导致他们无法收看新闻，引起许多的不便和反感，最终导致收视率的下降及影响国营电视台的形象。因此新闻部应该将华语新闻时段恢复到早前的黄金时段，即晚上8点。”
也是马华新闻局主任的李伟杰强调，政府部门在作出任何决定之前，应该深思熟虑，尤其是电视台的华语新闻是民众吸取时事资讯的主要管道，观看新闻报告已成为一般民众日常活动的一部分，新闻部应该把新闻播报定在方便人民的时间，才能真正达到传播资讯的目的。
李伟杰指出，国营电视台的华语新闻时段从前任部长到现任部长上任为止，已经过数次调整，包括目前从第一电视调到第二电视中午12点至12点半以及傍晚6点半至7点，频频的更动让人无所适从，也容易产生混淆。
“此外，由于在6点半至7点这段时间，大部分的上班族都是在下班回家的路上，而家庭主妇则一般上正在为准备晚餐而忙碌，在这段时间播报新闻将导致他们无法收看新闻，引起许多的不便和反感，最终导致收视率的下降及影响国营电视台的形象。因此新闻部应该将华语新闻时段恢复到早前的黄金时段，即晚上8点。”
也是马华新闻局主任的李伟杰强调，政府部门在作出任何决定之前，应该深思熟虑，尤其是电视台的华语新闻是民众吸取时事资讯的主要管道，观看新闻报告已成为一般民众日常活动的一部分，新闻部应该把新闻播报定在方便人民的时间，才能真正达到传播资讯的目的。
Wednesday, April 15, 2009
达祖丁、纳兹里无的放矢，国阵须痛定思痛了解民怨
马华中央党部发言人李伟杰指出，在民主制度下，政府要求人民感恩是不合逻辑的，相反的是，国阵政府应该感谢选民一直以来的支持，让这个政治联盟得以执政马来西亚超过50年。
李伟杰强烈抨击巫统最高理事达祖丁和首相署部长纳兹里，在评论马华总会长拿督斯里翁诗杰的临时抱佛脚论时，根本是无的放矢。
李伟杰也强调，华裔先贤们飘洋过海来到这片国土后，在这里落地生根成为马来西亚的一分子，不仅凭着本身耐苦耐劳的拼搏精神在这里自力更生、白手兴家，更为国家的独立、建设、发展和繁荣作出了难以计数的奉献，因此华裔能够分享国家的经济蛋糕完全是理所当然，而不是来自任何人的施舍。
也是马华新闻局主任李伟杰重申马华总会长拿督斯里翁诗杰早前的论点，即华裔选民不支持国阵是不正确的，事实上，华社在1995、1999及2004年大选都给予了国阵支持。
“国阵的当务之急是探讨选民在最近的几场补选中不支持国阵的原因，而不是互相指责。马华将继续走入基层，以更深入的了解民怨，我们希望达祖丁和纳兹里也会这样做，因为巫统本身也必须检讨，为何有超过40%的马来人投票给反对党，包括在瓜登补选中华裔选民回流国阵，而更多的马来选民却倾向回教党。”
“我再次强调，总会长的临时抱佛脚论是摆事实讲道理，并不含有任何恶意，而是希望以此提醒所有的国阵领袖，包括马华本身，在连续的补选失利后必须痛定思痛，真诚的反省和检讨，切切实实的作出实质改革，而不是对选民或友党作出无谓的指责，因为容许我们挽回民心的时间已经不多了。”
李伟杰强烈抨击巫统最高理事达祖丁和首相署部长纳兹里，在评论马华总会长拿督斯里翁诗杰的临时抱佛脚论时，根本是无的放矢。
李伟杰也强调，华裔先贤们飘洋过海来到这片国土后，在这里落地生根成为马来西亚的一分子，不仅凭着本身耐苦耐劳的拼搏精神在这里自力更生、白手兴家，更为国家的独立、建设、发展和繁荣作出了难以计数的奉献，因此华裔能够分享国家的经济蛋糕完全是理所当然，而不是来自任何人的施舍。
也是马华新闻局主任李伟杰重申马华总会长拿督斯里翁诗杰早前的论点，即华裔选民不支持国阵是不正确的，事实上，华社在1995、1999及2004年大选都给予了国阵支持。
“国阵的当务之急是探讨选民在最近的几场补选中不支持国阵的原因，而不是互相指责。马华将继续走入基层，以更深入的了解民怨，我们希望达祖丁和纳兹里也会这样做，因为巫统本身也必须检讨，为何有超过40%的马来人投票给反对党，包括在瓜登补选中华裔选民回流国阵，而更多的马来选民却倾向回教党。”
“我再次强调，总会长的临时抱佛脚论是摆事实讲道理，并不含有任何恶意，而是希望以此提醒所有的国阵领袖，包括马华本身，在连续的补选失利后必须痛定思痛，真诚的反省和检讨，切切实实的作出实质改革，而不是对选民或友党作出无谓的指责，因为容许我们挽回民心的时间已经不多了。”
MCA takes exception to remarks that the drop in Chinese support for BN is due to the Chinese being unappreciative
While welcoming YAB Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin as the new Deputy Prime Minster of Malaysia, MCA takes exception to his remarks during an interview in Utusan Malaysia published on 10 April 2009 that “(sokongan kaum Cina) mencatatkan penurunan, macam tidak ada penghargaan terhadap apa yang kita lakukan (the drop in Chinese support is like as if there is no appreciation towards what we (BN) are doing).”
Malay votes also didn’t pull BN through
Both Bukit Gantang and Bukit Selambau are Malay majority constituencies with Malay voters comprising 63.5% and 50.2% respectively. Although the Malay votes in these voting streams picked up, they were insufficient for BN to emerge victorious although both BN candidates hailed from UMNO. This does suggest that non-Malay votes are needed by BN should BN want to win the seats.
Local issues
Local issues also caused the Chinese support to plummet. Fishermen in Kuala Sepetang also were dissatisfied over issues relating to their livelihoods, e.g. diesel subsidies, bureaucracy involved in licensing or seemingly selective enforcement by marine police just days prior to voting.
Land title issues – the uncertainty of land ownership where applications for renewal of leasehold land for a 30 or 60 or 99-year tenure have not been settled raises resentment. On the other hand, insecurity whether a villager could continue living on TOL land arose as for generations many villagers have also lived and toiled on TOL land but still cannot claim ownership to the land title.
While aid in any form to any community is always most welcome, voters would like to see consistency in government allocation and distribution rather than peaking only at by-elections. E.g. Chinese and Tamil primary schools which usually encounter difficulty in accessing government funding would only see a jump in government grants during campaign period.
National issues
It is not the mere allocation of RM 1 million during the campaign period that the Chinese are thence expected to be indebted to BN and therefore vote BN. Non-Malays do not like to be treated as beggars where only at by-elections, more road upgrading works are performed, allocations to schools, NGOs and charities pick up.
There are “troubling” issues on the implementation and existing government policies which caused the Malay and non-Malay votes alike to swing against BN. Misimplementation of the NEP, lop-sided civil service where the intake and promotion of non-Malays is grossly lower compared to Malays, selective enforcement by the police and FRU against civil liberties and candle light vigils while insufficient action or no action taken against mat rempits, misuse of the ISA, mob rule causing aborting of civilized discourse and forums add to the inexhaustible list of frustration by Malays and non-Malays against BN.
Religious issues e.g. without consulting the non-converting family members, when religious authorities impose action on an individual e.g. body snatches, inheritance claims, determining faith and custody of a minor child whose religious identity is disputed only serve to alienate the non-Muslim community.
Non-Malays are unhappy when tenders for major government projects, licensing of any type, issuance for the lucrative Approve Permits, lower prices when purchasing a luxury house, quota equity when public listing a company seem to favour one community.
Education grievances
Award of PSD scholarships or entry into local institutions of higher education do not seem favourable to non-Malays. While most non-Malays have to sit STPM to qualify for local universities, there is the perception that the 1-year Matriculations course which most Malays undertake is easier which explains why Malay entry into local universities is higher.
The imbalanced syllabus and contents of the current history textbooks which give scant mention to the contributions of the non-Malay communities towards nation building while containing erroneous facts e.g. vernacular education would become national schools thus contravening the Education Act 1996 guaranteeing vernacular schools results in the loss of confidence by the Chinese against BN.
UMNO’s arrogance
The image of the keris brandishing amidst talks of ‘bathing in blood’ which alluded to a civil war against a conjured enemy of another community still remains unforgivable. Moreover, convenient amnesia at the recently concluded UMNO general assembly where an UMNO supreme council leader obliterated the contributions of non-Malays towards independence asserting that Merdeka was forged by UMNO and the Malay Rulers and nobody else fueled dissatisfaction among the loyal non-Malay communities.
Racist slants by UMNO Bukit Bendera division chief Dato’ Ahmad Ismail that Chinese are “pendatang and don’t deserve equal treatment” and rife talks of “ketuanan Melayu” or Malay supremacy which even decent Malays alongside the non-Malay communities find offensive.
Consistent loyalty of the Chinese community to Malaya/Malaysia
The Chinese have always been loyal citizens to Malaya and thence Malaysia. Countless Malayan Chinese and Indians were tortured to death in their resistance against atrocities committed during the Japanese Occupation.
When funds were needed for the London trip to negotiate Malayan independence with the British, MCA leaders and other Chinese community leaders selflessly contributed generously to the London delegation.
From the 1940s up till the late 1970s, many Chinese police officers upheld their duties as Special Branch officers when wiping out the tide of communism.
In the mid 1960s, when Indonesia launched Konfrontasi against Malaysia with the objective of establishing Gagasan Indonesia Raya, many Chinese donned a soldier’s uniform against the Indonesians.
In 1995, Chinese voters placed confidence with BN in view of the ideals of Bangsa Malaysia and Wawasan 2020 espoused by Prime Minister Dato’ Seri (now Tun) Dr Mahathir Muhammad.
In 1999, when sacked Deputy Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim was at the peak of the Reformasi movement, MCA and the Chinese community remained steadfast with BN.
In 2004, the Chinese overwhelmingly rejected PAS’s Islamist agenda of a theocratic state based on hudud and qisas which wreaked of amputating limbs, public lashing and requiring 4 men of good conduct to witness a rape before an alleged rapist was found guilty and gave the mandate to BN.
In 2008, owing to excesses of mega projects while fellow Malaysian citizens particularly the indigenous communities in the village fringes of the peninsular, Sabah and Sarawak lived in poverty, hunger without national identity doubts bred against BN. Corruption, cronyism, perceived judicial biases, racial and religious discrimination and intolerance led the multiracial rakyat particularly those on the peninsular favouring the opposition.
Therefore, to win back the support of the Chinese community, BN has to do much more than just contributing the RM 1 million at a by-election. An entire overhaul in the drafting and implementation of government policies is needed where every Malaysian citizen is accorded equality as guaranteed under Article 8 of the Federal Constitution. Malaysian citizens have the right to a decent life, free of bigotry, adoption of meritocracy, full and even access to equal development where aid is delivered on a need basis and not racial hegemony.
Malay votes also didn’t pull BN through
Both Bukit Gantang and Bukit Selambau are Malay majority constituencies with Malay voters comprising 63.5% and 50.2% respectively. Although the Malay votes in these voting streams picked up, they were insufficient for BN to emerge victorious although both BN candidates hailed from UMNO. This does suggest that non-Malay votes are needed by BN should BN want to win the seats.
Local issues
Local issues also caused the Chinese support to plummet. Fishermen in Kuala Sepetang also were dissatisfied over issues relating to their livelihoods, e.g. diesel subsidies, bureaucracy involved in licensing or seemingly selective enforcement by marine police just days prior to voting.
Land title issues – the uncertainty of land ownership where applications for renewal of leasehold land for a 30 or 60 or 99-year tenure have not been settled raises resentment. On the other hand, insecurity whether a villager could continue living on TOL land arose as for generations many villagers have also lived and toiled on TOL land but still cannot claim ownership to the land title.
While aid in any form to any community is always most welcome, voters would like to see consistency in government allocation and distribution rather than peaking only at by-elections. E.g. Chinese and Tamil primary schools which usually encounter difficulty in accessing government funding would only see a jump in government grants during campaign period.
National issues
It is not the mere allocation of RM 1 million during the campaign period that the Chinese are thence expected to be indebted to BN and therefore vote BN. Non-Malays do not like to be treated as beggars where only at by-elections, more road upgrading works are performed, allocations to schools, NGOs and charities pick up.
There are “troubling” issues on the implementation and existing government policies which caused the Malay and non-Malay votes alike to swing against BN. Misimplementation of the NEP, lop-sided civil service where the intake and promotion of non-Malays is grossly lower compared to Malays, selective enforcement by the police and FRU against civil liberties and candle light vigils while insufficient action or no action taken against mat rempits, misuse of the ISA, mob rule causing aborting of civilized discourse and forums add to the inexhaustible list of frustration by Malays and non-Malays against BN.
Religious issues e.g. without consulting the non-converting family members, when religious authorities impose action on an individual e.g. body snatches, inheritance claims, determining faith and custody of a minor child whose religious identity is disputed only serve to alienate the non-Muslim community.
Non-Malays are unhappy when tenders for major government projects, licensing of any type, issuance for the lucrative Approve Permits, lower prices when purchasing a luxury house, quota equity when public listing a company seem to favour one community.
Education grievances
Award of PSD scholarships or entry into local institutions of higher education do not seem favourable to non-Malays. While most non-Malays have to sit STPM to qualify for local universities, there is the perception that the 1-year Matriculations course which most Malays undertake is easier which explains why Malay entry into local universities is higher.
The imbalanced syllabus and contents of the current history textbooks which give scant mention to the contributions of the non-Malay communities towards nation building while containing erroneous facts e.g. vernacular education would become national schools thus contravening the Education Act 1996 guaranteeing vernacular schools results in the loss of confidence by the Chinese against BN.
UMNO’s arrogance
The image of the keris brandishing amidst talks of ‘bathing in blood’ which alluded to a civil war against a conjured enemy of another community still remains unforgivable. Moreover, convenient amnesia at the recently concluded UMNO general assembly where an UMNO supreme council leader obliterated the contributions of non-Malays towards independence asserting that Merdeka was forged by UMNO and the Malay Rulers and nobody else fueled dissatisfaction among the loyal non-Malay communities.
Racist slants by UMNO Bukit Bendera division chief Dato’ Ahmad Ismail that Chinese are “pendatang and don’t deserve equal treatment” and rife talks of “ketuanan Melayu” or Malay supremacy which even decent Malays alongside the non-Malay communities find offensive.
Consistent loyalty of the Chinese community to Malaya/Malaysia
The Chinese have always been loyal citizens to Malaya and thence Malaysia. Countless Malayan Chinese and Indians were tortured to death in their resistance against atrocities committed during the Japanese Occupation.
When funds were needed for the London trip to negotiate Malayan independence with the British, MCA leaders and other Chinese community leaders selflessly contributed generously to the London delegation.
From the 1940s up till the late 1970s, many Chinese police officers upheld their duties as Special Branch officers when wiping out the tide of communism.
In the mid 1960s, when Indonesia launched Konfrontasi against Malaysia with the objective of establishing Gagasan Indonesia Raya, many Chinese donned a soldier’s uniform against the Indonesians.
In 1995, Chinese voters placed confidence with BN in view of the ideals of Bangsa Malaysia and Wawasan 2020 espoused by Prime Minister Dato’ Seri (now Tun) Dr Mahathir Muhammad.
In 1999, when sacked Deputy Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim was at the peak of the Reformasi movement, MCA and the Chinese community remained steadfast with BN.
In 2004, the Chinese overwhelmingly rejected PAS’s Islamist agenda of a theocratic state based on hudud and qisas which wreaked of amputating limbs, public lashing and requiring 4 men of good conduct to witness a rape before an alleged rapist was found guilty and gave the mandate to BN.
In 2008, owing to excesses of mega projects while fellow Malaysian citizens particularly the indigenous communities in the village fringes of the peninsular, Sabah and Sarawak lived in poverty, hunger without national identity doubts bred against BN. Corruption, cronyism, perceived judicial biases, racial and religious discrimination and intolerance led the multiracial rakyat particularly those on the peninsular favouring the opposition.
Therefore, to win back the support of the Chinese community, BN has to do much more than just contributing the RM 1 million at a by-election. An entire overhaul in the drafting and implementation of government policies is needed where every Malaysian citizen is accorded equality as guaranteed under Article 8 of the Federal Constitution. Malaysian citizens have the right to a decent life, free of bigotry, adoption of meritocracy, full and even access to equal development where aid is delivered on a need basis and not racial hegemony.
慕尤丁说法违背首相“一个马来西亚”概念
马华中央党部发言人李伟杰指出，副首相丹斯里慕尤丁在接受马来前锋报专访时发表“马来人四分五裂，非马来人却拥有主导权；应该有主导权的人失去了主导权，没有主导权的人却有了主导权”的讲法，显示他仍然没有摒弃狭隘的种族主义思维，更违背了首相拿督斯里纳吉所提出的“一个马来西亚”概念。
他指出，在马来前锋报专访中，慕尤丁一再表示国阵在西马的两场补选中为华社提供了大笔拨款，但华人票依然流向民联，反观乡区马来人和印度人则有少许回流国阵的迹象，慕尤丁却说出“华人不懂感恩”的言论，显示他还没有意识到人民当家作主的年代已经来临。
“选票不应该以金钱来衡量，不能说给了多少拨款就应该拿回多少回报。更何况这是纳税人的钱，政府拨款造福人民、解决长期以来的民生问题、教育问题等是天经地义的。这种施恩望报的一党独大心态，是导致国阵在补选中失败的重要原因。”
“慕尤丁单从补选中乡村保守马来票的少许回流，就认定整体马来人已经回流国阵，这是“以偏概全”的一种错觉。事实上，国阵依然继续流失城市区马来人的支持，这可从瓜登补选和武吉士南卯补选的城市区马来人票箱中看出端倪。”
他表示，慕尤丁的言论对华人很不公道。华人在1995年、1999年和2004年大选大力支持国阵是不争的事实。就连最近的瓜登补选中，华人票在马华的努力之下依然倾向国阵，反观巫统在回教党的猛烈攻势之下失守马来票仓。因此，慕尤丁不能因为国阵在最近补选的失利而怪罪华人，却不检讨巫统本身的弱点。
“事实上，从全国课题的观点来看，各族人民尤其是华印族，对国阵的不满情绪是长期累积造成的，诸如教育政策的偏差、巫统政客的极端种族言论、改信宗教纠纷、种种的贪污、腐败、滥权的丑闻等等，是导致人民对国阵极度反感的主要原因。另一方面，地方课题也是很重要的因素，如十八丁渔民面对的柴油津贴、申请执照和更新地契遭到官员刁难等等。这些民间的积怨不是在短时期内通过临时抱佛脚的拨款所能扭转的。”
也是马华新闻局主任的李伟杰强调，慕尤丁应该向首相拿督斯里纳吉学习。虽然纳吉在1990大选后有“究竟华人要什么？”的困惑，但他现在已经跳出这个零和思维的旧框框，他就任首相后就提出“一个马来西亚”的全新观念，并立志要做全民的首相，不分种族地去消除贫穷和扶持弱势，并加速肃贪、改善政府传递系统等的努力。
“国阵和巫统的领导人应该痛定思痛，深切地检讨本身的弱点和过错，并矢志改革，以便改善民生和人民的福祉，这才是国阵要挽回民心的当务之急。”
他指出，在马来前锋报专访中，慕尤丁一再表示国阵在西马的两场补选中为华社提供了大笔拨款，但华人票依然流向民联，反观乡区马来人和印度人则有少许回流国阵的迹象，慕尤丁却说出“华人不懂感恩”的言论，显示他还没有意识到人民当家作主的年代已经来临。
“选票不应该以金钱来衡量，不能说给了多少拨款就应该拿回多少回报。更何况这是纳税人的钱，政府拨款造福人民、解决长期以来的民生问题、教育问题等是天经地义的。这种施恩望报的一党独大心态，是导致国阵在补选中失败的重要原因。”
“慕尤丁单从补选中乡村保守马来票的少许回流，就认定整体马来人已经回流国阵，这是“以偏概全”的一种错觉。事实上，国阵依然继续流失城市区马来人的支持，这可从瓜登补选和武吉士南卯补选的城市区马来人票箱中看出端倪。”
他表示，慕尤丁的言论对华人很不公道。华人在1995年、1999年和2004年大选大力支持国阵是不争的事实。就连最近的瓜登补选中，华人票在马华的努力之下依然倾向国阵，反观巫统在回教党的猛烈攻势之下失守马来票仓。因此，慕尤丁不能因为国阵在最近补选的失利而怪罪华人，却不检讨巫统本身的弱点。
“事实上，从全国课题的观点来看，各族人民尤其是华印族，对国阵的不满情绪是长期累积造成的，诸如教育政策的偏差、巫统政客的极端种族言论、改信宗教纠纷、种种的贪污、腐败、滥权的丑闻等等，是导致人民对国阵极度反感的主要原因。另一方面，地方课题也是很重要的因素，如十八丁渔民面对的柴油津贴、申请执照和更新地契遭到官员刁难等等。这些民间的积怨不是在短时期内通过临时抱佛脚的拨款所能扭转的。”
也是马华新闻局主任的李伟杰强调，慕尤丁应该向首相拿督斯里纳吉学习。虽然纳吉在1990大选后有“究竟华人要什么？”的困惑，但他现在已经跳出这个零和思维的旧框框，他就任首相后就提出“一个马来西亚”的全新观念，并立志要做全民的首相，不分种族地去消除贫穷和扶持弱势，并加速肃贪、改善政府传递系统等的努力。
“国阵和巫统的领导人应该痛定思痛，深切地检讨本身的弱点和过错，并矢志改革，以便改善民生和人民的福祉，这才是国阵要挽回民心的当务之急。”
Monday, April 13, 2009
马华从不停歇实践“全民平等、各族共享”的公民社会
马华中央党部发言人李伟杰指出，确保我国每一位公民拥有社会正义经济保障的平等机会，同时维护马来西亚华裔合法权益和利益一直都是马华公会秉持的创党宗旨与目标。
“马华创党60年，一直秉持这样的目标和信念为国家、社会、民族而奋斗努力，从不停歇，最终目标就是要实践‘全民平等、各族共享’的公民社会。因此，马华公会更是责无旁贷地进行‘以民为本’的改革来达至此终极目标。”李伟杰补充。
也是马华新闻局主任的李氏表示，马华了解大马社会包括华社透过308后大选成绩以及尔后的数场补选成绩所要传达的民怨民声讯息，所以马华公会亦积极改革，推出“三拼”奋斗纲领：拼经济民生、拼政治、拼和谐共享社会来加速改革步伐，让人民对国家未来更具信心。
“马华要透过政治、经济、民生等领域，解决人民的问题，确保每位公民都拥有平等机会，同时捍卫各族之间的合法权益与利益。当然，这是一项长远的目标，并不是转眼间就能达成的目标，但马华公会始终会坚持到底，决不退缩。”李伟杰道。
李伟杰指出全球化时代是由绩效素质决定一切，这是世界无可避免的趋势，大马亦必须面对此事实。因此，任何领袖以及领导惟有“选贤与能”才能真正地为国家和社会做出贡献，在无疆界世界与人有竞争能力，否则只会成为被淘汰的一群。
此外，对于邻国新加坡内阁资政李光耀所提及的言论，李伟杰认为每个国家的国情不尽相同，一个国家的国情背景往往左右国家时局发展；而大马和新加坡终究是两个不同的国家，国情当然是各异的。
最后，李伟杰强调马华一直确保我国公民拥有正义经济保障的平等机会，过去如是、现在如是、未来如是；在马华“三拼”奋斗纲领下，马华公会除了要改变、改革，更绝不忘记创党的宗旨与目标。
“马华创党60年，一直秉持这样的目标和信念为国家、社会、民族而奋斗努力，从不停歇，最终目标就是要实践‘全民平等、各族共享’的公民社会。因此，马华公会更是责无旁贷地进行‘以民为本’的改革来达至此终极目标。”李伟杰补充。
也是马华新闻局主任的李氏表示，马华了解大马社会包括华社透过308后大选成绩以及尔后的数场补选成绩所要传达的民怨民声讯息，所以马华公会亦积极改革，推出“三拼”奋斗纲领：拼经济民生、拼政治、拼和谐共享社会来加速改革步伐，让人民对国家未来更具信心。
“马华要透过政治、经济、民生等领域，解决人民的问题，确保每位公民都拥有平等机会，同时捍卫各族之间的合法权益与利益。当然，这是一项长远的目标，并不是转眼间就能达成的目标，但马华公会始终会坚持到底，决不退缩。”李伟杰道。
李伟杰指出全球化时代是由绩效素质决定一切，这是世界无可避免的趋势，大马亦必须面对此事实。因此，任何领袖以及领导惟有“选贤与能”才能真正地为国家和社会做出贡献，在无疆界世界与人有竞争能力，否则只会成为被淘汰的一群。
此外，对于邻国新加坡内阁资政李光耀所提及的言论，李伟杰认为每个国家的国情不尽相同，一个国家的国情背景往往左右国家时局发展；而大马和新加坡终究是两个不同的国家，国情当然是各异的。
最后，李伟杰强调马华一直确保我国公民拥有正义经济保障的平等机会，过去如是、现在如是、未来如是；在马华“三拼”奋斗纲领下，马华公会除了要改变、改革，更绝不忘记创党的宗旨与目标。
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